This article considers the experiences of four groups of young people (from Germany, Estonia, Russia and the UK) whose ‘mode of being’ is reduced or distorted in different ways as a result of misrecognition or stigmatisation. It argues that the responses young people make to this form of social subordination are enabled or constrained by the recognition status - misrecognition, absence of recognition or stigmatisation - they experience. It demonstrates that the experience of misrecognition and stigmatisation, in some cases, may constitute a resource to act and stimulate social change but that the institutional response to it may also work to re-embed the stigma or misrecognition that young people’s action sought to counter. It argues that stigmatisation and misrecognition are more than the accumulation of negative representations of individuals or groups. They reflect the configuration of power relations that underpin the institutionalisation of the labelling of specific groups as unworthy of respect and deny them the opportunity to participate equally in social life. The outcome of the struggle for recognition is thus not a matter of young people ‘choosing’ a positive identity or showing the desire to engage but the willingness of society to open itself to that engagement.
The paper explores changes in interpretations and perceptions of masculinity in the context of peripheral and transit societies. Using the qualitative methodology of participant research and semi-structured interviews, I describe this question with the example of youth street workout community in Makhachkala, the capital of the republic of Dagestan (Russia). This republic with a complex ethnic and religious composition is currently going through a socio-economic, political and cultural transformation associated with the transition from socialism to capitalism and inclusion in the globalized world. My thesis is that within the community, young Dagestan men and adolescents solve the problem of successful masculine socialization in conditions of perceived habitual insecurity.
The article is focused on youth politics in the UK, Germany, Finland, and Russia. Based on a constructionist approach, we analyze the rhetoric of youth policy, subjects of problematization, as well as the image of the country and youth of the future presented in the documents. The empirical base of the article is 21 youth-policy documents (laws, state programs, and youth strategies) of Finland, Germany, United Kingdom, and Russia. The analysis of normative documents showed that the discourse of youth policies in the European Union is dominated by the rhetoric of entitlement, and the motifs are equality of opportunity and access, rights, independence, empowerment, sustainable development of society, participation, and citizenship. The discourse of Russian youth policy is distinguished by the rhetoric idiom of ‘unreason’. The main motifs of the rhetoric are traditional values, education, and patriotism. European youth-policies, which emphasize rights and opportunities of youth, are oriented toward the development and support of young people, while the Russian youth policy is “state-centric”, oriented to the development of the country.
The article discusses the experience of interaction of young creative entrepreneurs of St. Petersburg with the state and controlling authorities, their expectations from the state as a participant of economic relations. Experts analyzing creative industries in Russia point out the need to strengthen government support for this sector and introduce special government programs for young entrepreneurs, which will include instruments to create a comfortable environment: grant competitions, favorable rental conditions, educational courses/platforms for entrepreneurs. However, the analysis of 58 qualitative interviews with craft entrepreneurs developing their business in St. Petersburg in 2018-2019 showed that young entrepreneurs seek, on the contrary, to preserve their autonomy and maximize the distance between their craft business and the state. The topic of formality/informality in a young entrepreneur's relationship with the state is revealed through the intersection of several axes of coordinates: "visibility - invisibility", "closeness - distance", "written - unwritten rules" and are dynamic in changing of positions (for example, from invisible to visible and back) and degree of youth agency (to what extent these relations turn out to be voluntary or forced). Young entrepreneurs rationalize their aspiration to remain "invisible" to the state with two argumentations: small size and "not serious" of their business as well as an absence of "reciprocity" from the state. Avoiding direct and regular contact with the state fits into two different scenarios: (i) the "bureaucratic incompetence" scenario and (ii) the "autonomous economic agent" scenario. Communication skills become a key "capital" that helps entrepreneurs survive and develop their business under a combination of formal and informal rules. While striving for independence and distance from the state, as well as critical attitudes towards the work of state authorities, the interview emphasizes the significant role of the state in creating formal economic institutions (rules of the game) and the readiness of young entrepreneurs to play by formal rules.
The purpose of the article is to describe the practical elements of professional ethic of young ethical craft entrepreneurs. The text focuses on the specific character of small craft business and the leading role of its owner; the importance of young entrepreneurs’ prosumerist attitude is emphasized; the features of creative entrepreneurship as a lifestyle have also been considered. The empirical base included the results of two researches. The first one analyses three cases of ethical crafters from the city of St. Petersburg: a coffee shop owner, an art designer and a linen clothing designer. The second one considers the rhetorical grounds of eco-discourse using the example of analyzing messages in Telegram channels. The article shows that the owner’s personality becomes the determining factor among craft entrepreneurs. Critical attitude towards overconsumption leads young entrepreneurs to the idea that being ethical means being eco-oriented. The fact that they focus primarily on income doesn’t allow us to describe business informants as social entrepreneurship. The informants don’t describe their projects eco-oriented either. Alongside this, the social aspect of business activity and including certain eco-friendly practices in their projects is important to them. The absence of willingness to make sacrifices allows us to describe ethical craft entrepreneurs as subjects of care, while their ethic is filled with various ecological meanings. The consumption is problematised by the informants through the rhetoric of unreasonableness, loss, or giving a right to things. We identified three elements of professional ethic of young eco-oriented craft entrepreneurs; openness to interact with other entrepreneurs, realisation of social activities, creating a community around the business project. In the context of the formation of ethical craft entrepreneurship, we can determine its distinguishing features as openness to interaction and openness to be included in different discourses.
In the present article, non-commercial activity is considered a social responsibility practices. Such practices, in their turn, are classified as hybrid forms of social entrepreneurship. The empirical base of the research included 58 interviews with young entrepreneurs engaged in business projects in the craft beer industry in the city of St. Petersburg. In this business area, the role of the owner comes to the fore in selecting and supporting non-commercial activities for a project. They are implemented relying on recourses accessible for small entrepreneurs: knowledge, skills, space, products (goods, service), and money. Young co / owners engage in non-commercial activities and contribute to changing the balance in education, culture, youth entrepreneurship culture, ecology and supporting those in need. As the analysis of the interviews in this research has shown, young entrepreneurs in the area of craft production attach different meanings to implemented non-commercial activities within the business project. Selecting non-commercial activities which are based on the personal need of the owner or its implementation of new business standards are considered to be social responsibility practices. In the first case, they rely on the personal initiative of the owner who puts efforts in but does not demand the same from others. In the second case, the individual’s values merge with the mission of the business project and support the changing of business standards. For such co / owners, what comes to the fore in both cases is the social aspect of the project along with a contribution to changing the balance in any given sphere. The transformation of business standards, in turn, enables the scaling up of a business project and the creation of new business communities based on open horizontal cooperation. The social responsibility practices of young small entrepreneurs, therefore, can change the established balance, both in the selected social sphere, and in business.
In the conditions of institutional and spatial limitations and poor infrastructure of Vorkuta, young people are actively developing non-functioning abandoned buildings. The purpose of
this article is to analyze how social and spatial aspects are intertwined in the context of various youth scenes that independently organize leisure through the creation of unique leisure spaces in a situation of limited resources. Two cases were selected for the research: the Polar Wolves bike club and a skate-park in an abandoned building. The empirical data of the article was collected during a sociological expedition from July 7th to 13th, 2019 in Vorkuta as part of the “Otkryvayem Rossiyu zanovo'' project in the form of 20 in-depth interviews with Vorkuta residents aged 16 to 35 and more than 200 hours of included observation. The analysis is based on the scene approach and the concept of third places by Ray Oldenburg. The authors of the article define the leisure space of youth in the described cases as a place in which a youth scene (or scenes) exists. The analysis highlighted the features of the grassroots organization of leisure spaces in Vorkuta - young people reuse abandoned buildings and create their own special social and related spatial order inside them. It is concluded that the constant transformation of buildings is equated with the development and continuation of scenes. Once abandoned buildings become places with a certain social dynamics, which is constantly reproduced through the intersection of the daily practices of the scene participants. Relatively little attention is paid to studies of the organization of youth leisure in Arctic cities remote from central Russia. The results of this article can draw the attention of further researchers to the study of youth leisure in the Arctic regions, as a response to institutional restrictions in the place of residence
Today youthfulness is not only an autonomous stage of life course, but a period of acquiring the competences and skills necessary for adult life. Adulthood is seen as a goal and value, the achievement of which gives a person the status of a full member of society and a "full" personhood. The classical model of the transition to adulthood, which was formed in the middle of the 20th century, is becoming less and less relevant in the changed conditions of modernity. Current sociological discussion shows that achieving adulthood is also linked to socio-demographic stages, but their sequence and temporality are changing within biographies. Moreover, subjectively experienced characteristics of growing up, such as autonomy and responsibility, are becoming increasingly important. Based on the available data from the all-Russian representative monthly surveys «Courier» and the research «Russian Generation Z: Settings and Values», the article analyses the transition to adulthood of the Russian millennials and demonstrates that for today's Russian youth, the transition to adulthood begins with education and entry into the labour market, is accompanied by an increase of responsibility, but also leads to a decrease in life satisfaction, a worsening of moods and loss of optimism.
Based on an analysis of 53 in-depth interviews, the article reconstructs the career paths of young cultural entrepreneurs working in the creative clusters of St. Petersburg. Four style groups are distinguished, which differ in career type, locus of subjective success, identity, attitude towards education and type of sociality: ‘Downshifters’, ‘Tourists’, ‘Independent professionals’ and ‘Early businessmen’. ‘Downshifters’ make downward career mobility and professionalize leisure and/or life-style practices. ‘Tourists’ are characterized by a dotted career and career “swings” between entrepreneurship and precarious low-status employment. “Independent professionals” achieve autonomy in the context of a specific professional field. “Early businessmen” initially build their career as entrepreneurial.
The chapter explores civilization as a sociological concept. Rooted in the works of Shmuel Eisenstadt and Johann Arnason, this concept has been used by sociologists to describe processes of modernization and the condition of modernity. During the last decade, this current has received some attention in Russian sociology. In sociological use, civilizational analysis has offered an alternative to the politicized, Huntington-inspired civilizationism. The chapter provides an introduction to civilizational analysis surveying its recent impact on Russian sociological scholarship.
In the context of the spreading HIV epidemic in Russia and the lack of government's effectiveness in addressing this problem, the role and importance of HIV activism in protecting the rights and improving the quality of life of HIV positive people has been increasing. This article focuses on the development of the HIV community in St. Petersburg, one of the largest and the most problematic, in terms of the HIV epidemic, cities in Russia. The research was conducted within the qualitative methodology, using ethnographic case-study methods and biographical interviews. The authors use the analysis of field observations and 19 interviews with men and women involved in HIV activism in St. Petersburg to show how collective actions of NGOs and action groups form the city HIV community through working with different groups and the development of participants' agency
In this article we analyze the independent Tatar rap scene in two relevant contexts: the globalization of this musical culture, and the post-Soviet nation-building efforts in the Republic of Tatarstan (Russian Federation). Having analyzed 29 in-depth biographical interviews with young rap scene participants and diary entries obtained in the course of a one-month-long participant observation, we conclude that the Tatar rap scene is a special case in the Tatar urban youth culture shaped by the younger generation of Tatar-speaking intelligentsia (humanities graduates and creative professionals) in opposition to both the cultural policy of Russification of the imperial center (Moscow) and the folklorized version of the Soviet Tatar culture.
The article deals with the ways Russian authorities have constructed the social problem of HIV/AIDS (human immunodeficiency virus/ acquired immune deficiency syndrome) in Russia. The statistical construction of HIV/AIDS includes data indicating the significant rise of HIV prevalence in Russia since 2000. The study focuses on what and how Russian authorities speak about HIV/AIDS, while there are official data on the rapid spread of the virus in the country. The work is based on a discourse analysis of the authorities’ rhetoric about HIV/AIDS. During his first presidential terms, Vladimir Putin constructed HIV/AIDS not as an epidemic in the country, but as a “global problem,” representing Russia as a participant in international efforts to combat AIDS. The president problematized the HIV spread through the rhetoric of endangerment but without its crucial term “epidemic,” while at the same time de-problematized HIV in Russia by the strategy of naturalizing (“this is a problem that all countries face”). The Russian authorities appealed to traditional moral values and spoke about marginal or risk groups, rather than risk practices. After the deterioration of relations with Western countries since 2007, the Russian president excluded HIV/AIDS problem from his public agenda, despite the existence of the data on steep HIV growth in Russia. The Russian president’s traditionalism, de-problematization, and silence concerning HIV/AIDS lead to the absence of the HIV/AIDS issues in media agenda, the agenda of local authorities, and consequently the personal agendas of Russian citizens. The consequences are ignorance, fears, stigmatization of people living with HIV, semi-legal status of needle, and syringe exchange programs for intravenous drug users, low antiretroviral therapy coverage, and the continuing HIV epidemic.
This article focuses on the meanings of search work in Russia, i.e. the search for and identification of the unburied remains of Soviet soldiers who perished in WW2. These meanings are constructed not only by the participants of expeditions (or poiskoviki, as they call themselves), but also by the Russian authorities, who actively support this movement. To reconstruct these meanings, we rely on several different sources: the addresses of Russia’s presidents to the search movement, participant observations as part of expeditions, interviews with their members and texts by the searchers themselves in the form of books, stories, songs and blog posts in social media. The rhetoric of the state authorities as regards the movement is filled with elevated sentiments like “patriotism”, “heroism”, “education”, “pride for the Fatherland”, and “national consolidation”. They tend to discursively embed it in the patriotic education of Russian citizens, formulating the meanings of the search in the context of militarized patriotism. The search work is presented by the president as a demonstration of “genuine patriotism”, which consists in defending the country with arms and self-sacrifice. Searchers’ statements about their work are colored with motives of a different tone, such as the sense of unfairness towards the soldiers who have remained unburied for decades. Some members of the movement reject the patriotic rhetoric and critically contest the educational effect of their work. The desire to restore fairness by burying the remains and informing the relatives about the fate of missing soldiers is the basic meaning of the searches according to the participants. A successful search is thought to contribute to the understanding of the tragedy of a family that lost loved ones in the war. The problematization of the war in the searchers’ experiences is discursively and explicitly contrasted with the authorities’ militaristic rhetoric.