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This edited volume addresses the set of politically challenging issues that the advent of populist movements raised for individual nation states and the whole Europe.
Based on critical engagements with the extant scholarship in comparative politics, political philosophy, international relations, regional studies and critical geopolitics, this collection of chapters offers the interpretation of the contemporary populism as illiberal nationalism, and underscores its deeply political challenge to the post-political core of the EU project. The contributors discuss the deep transformations within the fabric of contemporary European societies that makes scholars rethink the post-Cold War hegemonic understanding of liberal democracy as the dominant paradigm destined to expand from its traditional hotbed in the West to other regions. This edited volume intends to stretch analysis beyond the conventional accounts of populism as an anti-elite and extra-institutional appeal to the general public for the sake of its mobilization against incumbent power holders, and look for more nuanced meanings inherent to this term.
The chapters in this book were originally published in European Politics and Society and the Journal of Contemporary European Studies.
Tajikistan is one of the main migrant origin countries in the post-Soviet space, with about one million labour migrants living and working in Russia. The country also represents one of the most remittance-dependent economies in the world. By exploring how and why the Tajik government has been seeing and engaging with labour migrants since 1991, this article analyses the development of emigration policy in this country. In doing so, the article proposes to de-reify the state and account for complex policy processes, with many actors directly and indirectly involved in both policy-making and implementation. Four aspects are analysed: shifts occurring in emigration policy-making over time and under the influence of different domestic actors; the actual assistance offered to labour migrants; the impact of Russia as the main host country; and the influence of international organisations in the context of the nascent global migration governance. This complex environment explains why over time Tajikistan’s emigration policy moved from a laissez-faire phase, through a proactive, then a “messy”, to a reactive one; why the Tajik authorities have followed often contradictory pathways of (non)involvement with labour migrants; and why there is a distinction between declared policies and informal practices performed by the state.
The chapter overviews the development of the EU-Russia cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). Taking as a starting point the agreement to create the four common spaces in 2003, including the Common Space of Freedom, Security and Justice, the paper traces how the incorporation of the visa-free regime prospects into the Road Map for the Common Space has had a lasting impact on all further collaborative attempts before the freeze of cooperation in early 2014. Being an instance of policy conditionality which the EU often applies to the countries whose membership prospects are off the table, visa waiver prospects has restructured relations between the EU and Russia from being equitable (as initially presupposed by the common spaces) to strictly hierarchical. Moreover, with time passing by the EU was able to use this instrument not only in relation to the areas of cooperation directly linked to visa arrangements but also to the issues of security and justice which had been initially left to the network governance approach in the Road Map – a subtler and less hierarchical mode of the EU external governance. This creeping approach reached its climax in late 2013 when the Commission stopped hiding its resolve to use policy conditionality and coupled it with the value-loaded rhetoric of classical political conditionality, effectively bringing the cooperation on the verge of a stalemate. Paradoxically, the major breakthroughs in EU-Russia cooperation in JHA owe exactly to this policy conditionality whereas the network governance mode has borne almost no fruit to this day.
The chapter traces and explains responses to deinstitutionalisation reforms in the Russian regions. Three parallel policy shifts are taken into account: deinstitutionalisation (DI), public sector reform, and social provision reform. Considered together, they shed light on the logic behind childcare reform implementation at the regional level in the broader context of social policy transformations in Russia. Taking a neo-institutional perspective, the chapter studies compliance and resistance as two types of responses to the federal demand to introduce a new institutional design. Three institutional changes are in focus: (1) the restructuring of public providers with an emphasis on support services and the temporary placement of children; (2) changes to which ministries are in charge of alternative care; and (3) downsizing public sector agents traditionally responsible for this type of care and outsourcing social services to NGOs. The chapter seeks to identify regions that either comply with or resist these reforms, exploring how regional contexts explain variation in responses. The chapter’s empirical analysis reveals regional patterns of resistance and compliance as well as exceptional cases and the socioeconomic contexts which account for them.
This book analyses the threats to academic freedom in the twenty-first century across the globe, and the various ways to face them.
Our research bears on two critical issues for contemporary Russia: federal–regional power relations; and whether Moscow can modernize institutions and address dissatisfaction with social service delivery, a major political issue. It is the first comprehensive study of a major 2015 reform that ended the state monopoly over service provision and initiated outsourcing (contracting out) to socially oriented non-profits (SONPOs) and other nonstate organizations. We find substantial interregional variation. Statistical tests of economic, political, and institutional explanations show that only the economic helps to explain variation across Russia's regions. We rely on comparisons of six regions, drawing on semi-structured interviews to gain a contextualized understanding of their varied implementation strategies. Key findings are that regional leaders demonstrated agency in crafting diverse strategies, while the Center showed flexibility. Whether Moscow can modernize public services remains unclear, though there is some evidence of improvement since the beginning of the outsourcing reform.
This article analyses how global governance frameworks and knowledge claims are
translated to fit local contexts. It specifically looks at harm reduction initiatives targeting
injection drug users utilising the case of Tajikistan. In the 1990s, this post–Soviet
Central Asian country became exposed to an inflow of cheap and easily available heroin
from Afghanistan. While Tajikistan mainly became a transit country, some parts of the
local population also became addicted. To tackle the negative consequences of heroin
addiction, starting from the 1990s international donors proposed the country adopt
a range of harm reduction measures, including providing access to opioid substitution
therapy and establishing drop-in centres where single-use needles and syringes would
be distributed. This article discusses how donor-promoted harm reduction initiatives
were localised in Tajikistan, why and with what outcomes. It argues that instead
of a full acceptance or rejection of knowledge promoted by international actors, a
complex translation process can be observed on the ground. International norms are
thus localised by taking into account societal attitudes towards injection drug users,
the changing nature of legitimate expertise, evolving national legislation and everyday
practices, against the background of other conflicting global governance regimes and
local geopolitical priorities.
The authors introduce ongoing child welfare reform in Russia, consider the international and national context, as well as the main drivers of these reforms and their current results. In addition, a literature review of field is also provided. Child welfare reform in Russia builds on the idea of every child’s right to grow up in a family. The main aim is to deinstitutionalize the child welfare system by promoting adoptions and fostering, restructuring the remaining residential institutions into home-like environments and creating community-based family support services. The chapter introduces the main concepts and terminology used to describe the child welfare system, the research questions of the volume, and employs a neo-institutionalist framework as the theoretical framework of the book. The volume analyses how reform is implemented, which echoes a fundamental change in the ideological premises of child welfare policy. Thus, the reform has shifted the course of the child welfare policy in Russia. The volume examines how the reforms are affecting the institutions and practices of child welfare in Russia, what kind of institutional change has followed the shift in the ideals, and what are the intended and unintended consequences of these reform processes. Finally, the chapter gives a brief overview of the chapters in the volume.
Building on contemporary social science, we intend to go beyond current Russian studies by creating a new paradigm in the field. In this chapter, we develop the conceptual starting points of this new paradigm and specify our methodological approach to modernity and modernization. We intend to show that Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory gives us instruments for methodological specifications that broaden the horizon towards more comprehensive research programmes. Previous approaches do not seem to find ways to examine both structures and agencies at the same time. Russia’s development is explained either as an inevitable structural process, or only as a result of the intentions of the actors. We argue that it is essential to be able to study modernization both as a representation and as a broader analytical category referring to basic structural challenges.
The chapter analyzes the social conditions for the emergence, formation and development of sociology in China. Among the main factors contributing to the development of sociology in China were the translation activities of Chinese scientists, activities of foreign missions in China, the new opportunities for exchange and training of Chinese students in foreign universities, the experience of conducting applied research carried out by American sociologists in China and etc. The Chinese sociological society appeared in the early 1930s. Their activity included publishing of the sociological journals and conducting of the applied sociological researches. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the development process of Chinese sociology during the period of the Cultural Revolution, accompanied by a series of ups and downs, because to the complete ban of sociology as a science in China until the end of the 1970s, when its revival began. Nowadays Chinese sociology is a fully institutionalized science, there are number of Chinese Universities and departments where the sociological disciplines are taught, also there are several institutions and think tanks. Chinese sociologies paid great attentions to the following topics: problems of employment in small towns, family and marriage relations, social transformation and modernization of society, problems of arranging social life in rural areas, and others.
A new sociotechnical governance model “digital autocracy”, has appeared and started to spread throughout the world in the recent years. Its appearance became possible by reason of structural transformation of neoliberalism: a formation of platform economy based on digital infrastructure and big data. The emergence of digital autocracies was not a result of the governing class’s initial plan to use the internet politically. This is a constellation of many factors that formed in the process of adaptation of political regimes in a number of countries to external (global economic competition, external political conflicts) and internal (political destabilization) challenges. The article is devoted to studying the place and role of smart cities in the sociotechnical governance model of digital autocracies. The smart city functioning specifics in an institutional landscape of political regimes that use a digital infrastructure as a tool to control society have been analyzed on a number of examples. Separately, the article analyzes problems related to the use of data in urban governance: excessive data extraction and non-transparency of state information systems.
Due to the successful centralization efforts of the beginning of the 2000s, Russian governors almost lost their domestic as well as international agency. However, there is still a considerable variation in their international activity levels that remains unexplained. Employing an original dataset on the international activity of Russian governors from 2005 to 2015, the article investigates what effect regional political regime, ethnicity and other factors have on the level of gubernatorial participation in paradiplomacy. The level of regional democracy, the absence of ties between governors and regional elites, and the ethnic distinctiveness of a region are all positively associated with the engagement in international activity. The article demonstrates that regional authorities turn to paradiplomacy when faced with pressures for resource attraction and ethnic identity construction, even under the conditions of a relatively centralized authoritarian state.
This study analyzes 25,516 cases of violation of the European Union law by 28 Member States from 1993 to 2018. I strive to determine the national level determinants of differentiation in the pool of member countries by the total number of the EU law violations. As a key method of analysis, logistic regression is used, where factors of GDP per capita (PPP), polarization of the parliament, fragmentation of the party system, regional strategies and quality of governance are used as country attributes. The analysis demonstrates that all country attributes are significantly related to all four quartiles of the outcome, which rank member states depending on the number of violations during the period under review: from the smallest share of violated directives (Q1) to the largest share of violated directives (Q4). The results of the study demonstrate the empirical relevance of the theoretical perspective of “worlds of compliance” formulated by G. Falkner et al. (2007) for the categorization of EU member states in their reactions to the compliance efforts of the EU.
This article examines the causes of dysfunction in the political machines of Russian regions. According to existing studies, one of the main factors limiting the effectiveness of political machines is the rotation of governors and the Kremlin’s practice of appointing officials who have no previous ties to the region (so-called “Varangians”). Using a unique database of biographies of the municipal heads of Bashkortostan, this study provides a detailed explanation of the causal link between the rotation of the governor and the subsequent failure of the political machine, arguing that it is not so much the status of the new governor as a change in the management model of local elites that leads to a decline in incumbents’ electoral support. Local elites are a key link in the mechanism of the political machine, but they respond to the demands of the regional authorities only when their interests and political patronage are guaranteed by the governor. The lack of such guarantees leads to the loss of loyalty from local elites, negatively impacting the work of the political machine.
China has thoroughly developed legislation regulating legal and advocacy activities and includes several groups of lawyers. Foreign citizens are banned from practicing law in China; foreign law firms have very limited rights, cannot hire Chinese lawyers, and cannot represent foreign companies in court disputes. This is one of the first studies based on Chinese sources on the characteristics of for- eign law firms in China and the ways in which foreign lawyers participate in legal disputes in China.
Local self-government in Russia throughout its history has remained a place for constant reforming. Amendments to the federal law from 2015 introduced a new procedure of selecting local heads or mayors – through competition commissions with a subsequent vote in local assemblies. By now, this selection model has become the most widespread among Russian municipalities. There is no surprise that regional authorities encourage the introduction of this selection model as it endows them with more power over local elites. In our study, we question whether the new model of selecting municipal heads via competition leave the room for municipal autonomy? In which cases we can detect instances of administrative autonomy? To answer these questions, we rely on the new data on the voting results within municipal assemblies in 158 cases of selecting local mayors in Russian cities with population of more than 100 thousand people. The key findings stem from the regression analysis and they are as follows. Firstly, the competition procedure in big cities leaves little room for local autonomy, even in competitive cities the winning candidates receive an overwhelming majority of votes in local assemblies. Secondly, uniform voting is more widespread in mono-towns, while the development of small and medium-size business does not pre- vent the elite consolidation and even strengthens the loyalty of local assemblies. There is some evidence of ‘the disciplining effect’ of the so-called ‘varangian’ governors. Lastly, a more competitive electoral profile as well as the presence of local intra-elite clashes reinforces the voting diversity and autonomy of local assemblies.
The transition of the world order from a unipolar to a multipolar model is painful, and the West's rejection of this inevitability often leads to a confrontational reaction. The range of problems that have accumulated in the Eurasian space is quite wide, from military-political to economic and humanitarian. In order to make decisions in a rapidly changing situation, a constant comprehensive analysis of what is happening and the most accurate forecasting is necessary.The most vulnerable pain points for China are territorial disputes with India, and disputes over islands belonging with Japan and countries in Southeast Asia in the South China Sea. The U.S. is also trying to destabilize the situation in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Tibet and Hong Kong, habitually accusing the Beijing regime of human rights violations and lack of democracy.
This study aims to determine the added value of agent-based modeling (ABM) to the methodological toolkit of political science and to empirically demonstrate the advantages of this approach for modeling socio-political processes. In the first section of the article, the author examines the construction of theoretical models for the study of socio-political processes and describes the stages of formalization of verbal theoretical models. The second section is devoted to the core differences between agent-based modeling and other formal modeling approaches. In the third section, to empirically illustrate the merits of ABM for modeling socio-political processes, the author constructs an experimental model based on the assumptions of the classical theory by E. Downs (1957) on party competition and the median voter. The testable assumption is that voting for moderate parties reduces the polarization of the party system. The results of the ABM demonstrate that with the addition of dynamics and extra information about the strategies of the main players, the assumption of the verbal model that a dislocated distribution in favor of moderate parties has a negative effect on polarization is not valid. ABM has shown a positive correlation between dislocated party identification of voters and extreme disposition of non-moderate parties: non-moderate parties lose votes, which leads to a decrease in polarization, but at the same time, they position themselves more extreme in relation to the ideological dimension, which increases polarization.
The paper reviews the most recent findings in multilevel governance and multilevel political systems. Multilevel governance is defined here as a distribution and sustainable patterns of exchange of the major power resources between autonomous centers of power (governments) situated at different levels within the multilevel structure. Following the trend laid down for the federalism and decentralization research by Tulia Falleti, we distinguish between three types of resources: the budgets (the monetary resources pertaining to fiscal financial flows), the information (mostly provided from the lower to the upper levels of government), and legitimacy (mostly the electoral and clientelist support supplied to each other by governments on different levels during elections). The article reveals the general trends within this research stream and outlines the existent gaps in our understanding of exchange and distribution of particular types of resources between different levels of government in multilevel governance. The first two sections provide a brief overview of the development of empirical research on federalism and multi-tiered systems, and explicate the rationale for the study of the distribution of resources between governments at different levels of power. Researching these resources’ exchange in the short run, and the long-term patters of such exchanges are two different research agendas. In particular, paying closer attention to the long-term sustainable patterns of resource exchange may serve as an explanation for higher or lower resilience in multilevel governance structures. Modeling such exchange may therefore serve as grounds for an endogenous theory of multilevel and federal governance. The second part of the paper provides a more detailed review of the most recent research into particular types of resources and their exchange between levels of government. We describe the “natural” asymmetries in these resources’ distribution between levels. Finally, the conclusion highlights the existent gaps and sets up the agenda for future research