Publications

The article traces how the image of the Ainu formed by Japanese intellectuals in 18th and early 19th centuries influenced the formation of Japan’s policy towards this ethnic minority in the Meiji period (1868-1912).

This paper discusses Russian and Iranian economic activity and interests in Syria and focuses on two macroblocks. First of all, it seems to us important to highlight the level of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and Syria, on the one hand, and Iran and Syria, on the other. If for Iran’s economic relations with Syria, it should be noted that although the country has long been one of the top priority targets for Iranian trade and the trade interactions between the two sides were on the rise before 2011, the Syrian Crisis caused bilateral trade to fall drastically. However, Russian economic interests in Syria do not look so obvious and convincing. If we talk about the Russian economic presence in Syria after the Arab spring, it would be more correct to consider the interests of individual Russian businessmen and representatives of the economic elite in specific projects in Syria. Also, this work will be devoted to the difficulties faced by Moscow and Tehran in the implementation of their economic and investment projects in Syria and prospects of cooperation and competition between Russia and Iran. Given the close partnership between Iran and Russia in supporting Bashar al-Assad government, this paper also takes a look on the prospects of economic cooperation or rivalry between Tehran and Moscow in Syria and shows that no mechanism has yet devised by the two parties to manage their competition and promote cooperation in Syria’s economic sphere. Of note, this paper deals exclusively with Iran and Russia’s non-military economic activities in Syria and does not cover issues like arms exports or military aids of the two countries to the Syrian government.

This paper discusses Russian and Iranian economic activity and interests in Syria and focuses on two macroblocks. First of all it seems to us important to highlight the level of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and Syria, on the one hand, and Iran and Syria, on the other. If for Iran’s economic relations with Syria, it should be noted that although the country has long been one of the top priority targets for Iranian trade and the trade interactions between the two sides were on the rise before 2011, the Syrian Crisis caused bilateral trade to fall drastically. However, Russian economic interests in Syria do not look so obvious and convincing. If we talk about the Russian economic presence in Syria after the Arab spring, it would be more correct to consider the interests of individual Russian businessmen and representatives of the economic elite in specific projects in Syria. Also, this work will be devoted to the difficulties faced by Moscow and Tehran in the implementation of their economic and investment projects in Syria and prospects of cooperation and competition between Russia and Iran. Given the close partnership between Iran and Russia in supporting Bashar al-Assad government, this paper also takes a look on the prospects of economic cooperation or rivalry between Tehran and Moscow in Syria and shows that no mechanism has yet devised by the two parties to manage their competition and promote cooperation in Syria’s economic sphere. Of note, this paper deals exclusively with Iran and Russia’s non-military economic activities in Syria and does not cover issues like arms exports or military aids of the two countries to the Syrian government.

Based on the idea of the analysis of symbolic representations of sovereignty and framework of poststructuralist international relations theory this research is exploring the performative nature of sovereignty in a comparative empirical perspective. We have taken four well-known speeches on sovereignty issues to see which symbolic representations of sovereignty were involved in the specific discourse of the four presidents: France, the United States of America, Russia and China. In the analyzed symbolic representations of sovereignty, we encounter important differences synthesize ten symbolic representations of sovereignty that are common to all four examined discourses.

This article seeks to introduce into comparative folkloristics an epic tradition of the Muong, one of minority groups in Northern Vietnam. More precisely, it deals with the epic cycle of ‘The Birth of the Earth and Water’ which represents an essential part of the Muong ritual narratives. This cycle was presumably created no later than fifteenth century and intended for practicing mourning rituals. Though in 2015 ritual narratives of the Muong were recognized as national intangible cultural heritage in Vietnam, the Muong epics remain practically unknown and unexplored in Western scholarship.

The article discuss the most common epic themes such as creation, man’s origin and reproduction, acquisition of culture, deeds and fights of the main culture heroes through a number of motifs represented in tales constituting the Muong epic cycle. Comparative analysis of these themes and motifs in global and regional perspectives reveals obvious parallels with their representations in the world folklore as well as some specific variations and local links.

The “New Silk Road” or “One Belt–One Road” (also “Belt and Road”) is a global project ini- tiated by China, the implementation of which affects various areas of development of many states and regions of the world, including security issues, socio-cultural, political, diplomatic and civilisational aspects.

A total of 173 agreements with 125 states and 29 international organisations have been signed under this initiative. The project is gaining momentum every year and attracts ever more researchers who analyse the economic, political, and cultural sides of the project and the interaction of the different countries and regions with China within the framework of this global enterprise. This article assesses the participation of five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) in the Chinese pro- ject and aims to define the mutual interests of the parties on the basis of economic indica- tors (i.e., ESI, RCA, TDC, and G-L indexes). 

The article analyzes the issues of the processes of localization of Vietnamese Catholicism, namely the issues of the cult of ancestors among Vietnamese Catholics, the veneration of national saints, canonized in 1988 by the Holy See, as well as the phenomenon of the "Vietnamese" Our Lady of La Vang, which was re-imaged in 1990-s as an Asian woman dressed in the Vietnamese traditional dress áo dài by American emigrant Nhan Van. This article examines history of the La Vang Sanctuary, the process of Vietnamization of Our Lady of La Vang and the attitude of the Holy See toward the indigenization of the religion among Vietnamese Catholics. This image is very popular among the Vietnamese Catholics diaspora in USA, where about 20 parishes and shrines are consecrated to Our Lady of La Vang. In 16-17 centuries the Chinese Rites Controversy became the largest controversy in the history of Catholic Church, but the attitude of the Holy See toward the cult of ancestors changed in 20 century, especially after the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Today Vietnamese Catholics have the permission of the Holy See to venerate their ancestors.

The article deals with participation of representatives of Iranian traditional middle class (bazari) in political struggle, taking establishment and evolution of Mujahedin-i Khalq-i Iran, one of the most influential militant and political organizations of the second half of XXth century in Iran, as a case study. 

This publication presents the first translation into Russian of the essay “On the [Favorable] Moment [to Display] Reasonableness” (“Shinkiron”) written by a famous Japanese artist and intellectual, an adherent of Dutch studies Watanabe Kazan (1793-1841). This essay was written in 1838 as a response to the shooting attack on the United States trade ship “Morrison”, which delivered shipwrecked Japanese sailors, by Japanese government in the previous year (even though the author didn’t know all details concerning the incident). The main appeal of the author is to display reasonableness, that is to stop shying away from the changing world and to realize Japan’s situation in it, and for this end to turn to Western learning whose adherent the author was, and to reconsider the policy toward foreign vessels. In his essay, Watanabe Kazan pays great attention to Great Britain and Russia by presenting these two countries as greatest world powers but comparing them on several characteristics. In general, the author shows deep knowledge of the global situation and world history, making comparisons between Japan and other countries of the world, while his essay is indicative of the development of Western studies in 1830s’ Japan. The preface represents the details of the attack on the “Morrison” and the creation of the essay. The spread of “The Tale of a Dream in Bojutsu Year” written by Kazan’s friend and like-minded person Takano Choei led to punitive measures by the government against advocates of Western learning. The manuscript of “Shinkiron” was discovered during the search at Kazan’s house and the author was sentenced to home arrest and committed suicide two years later.

The international sanctions has been affecting Iran’s economy for the last forty years. During this time, their pressure on Iran’s economy was uneven. The most sensitive measures of economic pressure against Tehran was applied in 2010 – 2015. They cut the country from the international banking and insurance system. Tehran’s access to foreign investments, advanced technologies and international sea carriage services was restricted. Its options to sell oil in external markets and import gasoline were also limited. Consequently, the adoption of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA, so called nuclear deal) signed between Tehran and the international group of negotiators in 2015 was welcomed by the Iranian population and large part of the country’s elite. This document was lifting most of the previously imposed sanctions and gave Iran hopes for less troubled economic development.

Yet, the decision of US president, Donald Trump, voiced in Spring 2018 to leave the  JCPOA change the situation around Iran once again. The renewal of US sanction pressure on Tehran caused serious concerns among the international community. The authorities of the EU, Russia and China are rightfully worried that the re-introduction of the US sanctions can create difficulties for doing business with Tehran and provoke the Iranian elite to consider options for Tehran to leave the nuclear deal. According to these concerns, sanctions might have negative impact on the domestic situation in Iran causing the growth of social unrest and strengthening of the position of conservative forces less prepared for the dialogue with the outer world. These concerns got only strengthened when, in November 2018, Trump imposed oil trade embargo on Tehran (with the provision of oil sanctions waiver for only eight countries and limited period of six months). Yet, these pessimistic scenarios should be taken with a grain of salt. Some of the current events and past experience clearly demonstrate that the re-imposed sanctions might become less effective than expected by the US.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Islamic factor in political processes in Africa. The author analyzes whether the conceptof «re-Islamization» can be applied to modern African realities and if it covers the entire African space or may be applied only toits part. The article reviews the Muslim countries of Africa in the context of the concept of dependent development and thephenomena of «Liminality» and «re-Islamization» in the countries and societies of Africa in the polarization of the Muslim spiritualelite on the scale of minimalism-maximalism. The author characterizes the Islamic States and Islamic international organizations onthe African continent, provides information about the spread of Islam and the number of Muslims in Africa. The author describesthe crises of elites, that has spread over almost all the countries of the Islamic area. This crisis stimulated the split within the localIslamic communities (Umma). Religious and ideological platforms of minimalism and maximalism appeared. After 2001 andparticularly after the events of the Arab Spring of 2011-2012 many Islamic countries of Africa found themselves in the transitionperiod (liminality) and even re-Islamization.

In 2018 Northern Myanmar experienced another escalation of fighting between the armed forces of the central government and Kachin rebels. This conflict takes place in Kachin state, which lies just across the border from the PRC and hosts a number of China’s strategic investment projects. Traditionally the PRC insists on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, but is it sticking to this policy in Myanmar? The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the PRC in this conflict and to identify factors that have shaped evolution of Beijing’s policy. Although, since the late 1980-s Beijing’s support for Kachin rebels has ceased almost entirely, during the 1990-s cross-border trade with the Chinese Yunnan province was one of the major sources of income for the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). Moreover, China’s growing presence and infrastructure projects in Kachin State became one of the reasons for the discontent of the local population with the Myanmar authorities, which manifested in the breaking of a 17-year cease-fire in 2011. Starting from 2012 Beijing’s role has changed from non-interference to so-called creative diplomacy, which includes greater involvement of the central government, resumption of contacts with the KIO, mediation and organizing of negotiations between Kachin insurgents and Myanmar’s central government. At the same time the Chinese government has not provided refugees from Kachin State with proper assistance and protection, they only received some humanitarian aid from local NGOs in Yunnan. Among the explanatory factors of the PRC’s policy regarding the Kachin conflict are the dynamics of Sino-Myanmar relations, China’s security concerns in the border area and wider region, as well as its strategic and economic interests.

This article explores the causes of growing interest in Korea and Korean literature in Russia and analyzes the perception of Korean literature in USSR-Russia at different stages of the relationships with South Korea.

This article studies the history of cultural relationships between Republic of Korea and Russia since the late 1980s – even before the USSR and South Korea established diplomatic relationships in 1990 – Russian readers learned about contemporary South Korean literature, and Korean culture started attracting attention in Russia. Translations of the best pieces of famous Korean writers have been published in Russia – thanks to the efforts of the government of South Korea aimed at disseminating Korean culture across the globe. The focal point of this article is South Korean contemporary literature, which has gained international acclaim over the past decade. The main achievement of South Korean literature is the novel “The Vegetarian” by Han Kang (born in 1970) that won the International Booker Award in 2016. After Han Kang’s international success, South Korean literature started piquing interest in Russia as well. The Russian reader who is not familiar with the moral and ethical teachings of Confucius, the Buddhist and Taoist perception of the world, still has difficulty understanding the deep meaning sometimes hidden underneath the outer layer of the works of Korean authors. However, South Korean literature is attracting more and more readers.

Additionally, recent political environment on the Korean peninsula has also stimulated growing interest in the literature of North Korea.

Over the past 135 years of Russian-Korean relations, interest in Korea (as a whole country at first and later as the one divided along the thirty-eighth parallel), and its culture intensified or weakened - depending on the political situation in the world - and in recent decades has reached a level that promotes mutual cultural enrichment.

KoThis article explores the causes of growing interest in Korea and Korean literature in Russia and analyzes the perception of Korean literature in USSR-Russia at different stages of the relationships with the two Korean countries.

This article studies the history of cultural relationships between Korea and Russia since the Russia-Korea Treaty of 1884. Emphasis is placed on the developmental stages of contemporary literature and on the analysis of the growing popularity of Korean literature in Russia/USSR/Russian Federation: traditional and contemporary literature of North and South Korea, which split into two streams alongside the division of Korea into two ideological camps. Unlike traditional literature, contemporary literature of North Korea – aligned with the country’s ideology – did not appeal to readers. On the other hand, in the late 1980s – even before the USSR and South Korea established diplomatic relationships in 1990 – Russian readers learned about contemporary South Korean literature, and Korean culture started attracting attention in Russia. Translations of the best pieces of famous Korean writers have been published in Russia – thanks to the efforts of the government of South Korea aimed at disseminating Korean culture across the globe. The focal point of this article is South Korean contemporary literature, which has gained international acclaim over the past decade. The main achievement of South Korean literature is the novel “The Vegetarian” by Han Kang (born in 1970) that won the International Booker Award in 2016. After Han Kang’s international success, South Korean literature started piquing interest in Russia as well. Additionally, recent political environment on the Korean peninsula has also stimulated growing interest in the literature of North Korea.

The article deals with the problem of “inner space” in the two prominent works of kokkeibon, a genre of gesaku, light popular fiction of Tokugawa period (1603–1867), “Tōkaidōchū hizakurige” by Jippensha Ikku  (1765–1831) and “Ukiyoburo” by Shikitei Sanba (1775–1822). The creation of the unique settings, namely, the Tōkaidō road and its post stations in “Tōkaidōchū hizakurige” and a public bath in “Ukiyoburo” is considered to be a special artistic method, which is not just a device to develop a light funny atmosphere of the literary works mentioned, but also a mechanism, uncovering deeper layers of psycologism and mindset. There are two types of “inner worlds” found in the works of Ikku and Sanba: an “anti-world” of “Tōkaidōchū hizakurige”, where the spirit of grotesque, absurdity and situational comedy prevails, and an “idealistic world” of “Ukiyoburo”, in which humor and morality are found in the everyday situations and conversations. It is also assumed that the tags of “anti-world” and “idealistic world” in terms of these literary works can correspond with the “men’s world” and “women’s world” respectively.