Credit risk management is of considerable importance for banks, and the most common credit risk models are based on combining client’s private information with credit terms. However, if credit terms are an integral part of initial calculations, then results have to be recalculated for every alteration of credit terms. Thus, banks obtain ‘one-shot’ results from decision support systems that are built with application of these models. In the given paper a credit risk model is proposed. This model is based on a separate analysis of client’s private information and credit terms in order to construct a contour subspace for credit terms that correspond to an equal credit risk value. Application of a proposed model will add advanced options for decision support systems in loan granting, i.e. to visualize a contour subspace of credit terms for a client according to an individual creditworthiness estimation, provide options to choose credit terms from this contour subspace, and manage credit terms on-line according to the dynamics in a creditworthiness estimation.
This paper studies the quantity p(n,r), that is the minimal number of edges of an n-uniform hypergraph without panchromatic coloring (it means that every edge meets every color) in r colors. If r≤cnlnn then all bounds have a type A1(n,lnn,r)(rr−1)n≤p(n,r)≤A2(n,r,lnr)(rr−1)n, where A1, A2 are some algebraic fractions. The main result is a new lower bound on p(n,r) when r is at least cn; we improve an upper bound on p(n,r) if n=o(r3∕2).
Also we show that p(n,r) has upper and lower bounds depending only on n∕r when the ratio n∕r is small, which cannot be reached by the previous probabilistic machinery.
Finally we construct an explicit example of a hypergraph without panchromatic coloring and with
(rr−1+o(1))n edges for r=o(nlnn).
Paralinguistic phenomena are non-verbal elements in conversation. Paralinguistic studies are usually based on audio or video recordings of spoken communication. In this article, we will show what kind of audible paralinguistic information may be obtained from the ORD speech corpus of everyday Russian containing long-term audio recordings of conversations made in natural circumstances. This linguistic resource provides rich authentic data for studying the diversity of audible paralinguistic phenomena. The frequency of paralinguistic phenomena in everyday conversations has been calculated on the base of the annotated subcorpus of 187,600 tokens. The most frequent paralinguistic phenomena turned out to be: laughter, inhalation noise, cough, e-like and m-like vocalizations, tongue clicking, and the variety of unclassified non-verbal sounds (calls, exclamations, imitations by voice, etc.). The paper reports on distribution of paralinguistic elements, non-verbal interjections and hesitations in speech of different gender and age groups.
There is a paradox in the aftermath of the global imperial crisis in the region of Eastern Europe and Eurasia. The Habsburg Empire which had been thought about as the katechon of future world of federalism broke into nation-states with regimes of accommodation and repression of national minorities. The Russian Empire which had been thought about as the future centralized nation-state transformed into a federation with layered forms of autonomy and decentralization. The exploration of this paradox begins with the critique of the image of the Russian Empire as a centralized and centralizing state and exploration of inclusive and differentiated governance and ways in which this political formation was reflected in political discourses of reformist and oppositional movements which in one way or another imagined the post-imperial order. The paper then traces the constitutional debates in the revolutionary contexts of 1905 and 1917 and assesses how these debates reflected local and global discourses of imagining the post-imperial order and how they were incorporated into the constitutions adopted on the territory of the former Russian Empire. The global imperial crisis which brought down the Qing, Russian, Ottoman, German and Habsburg empires stimulated imagination of post-imperial order not only in the named contexts, but also in the British, French and other cases. The circulation and synthesis of ideas fostered by the miscellany of the crumbling empires and the diversity within each of them produced a great variety of imaginations. The non-Soviet constitutional projects of 1917–1921 and the Soviet constitutions of 1918 and 1924 incorporated the experience of the Russian Empire and other imperial and post-imperial formations. The Constitution of the Far Eastern Republic, for instance, borrowed the concept of non-territorial autonomy from the Ukrainian Constitution of 1918, while the ineffectiveness of the formal right to territorial autonomy resembled that in the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920. The multilateral transfers and borrowings, both from the Russian imperial and other contexts, resulted in the departure of the 1924 Constitution of the Soviet Union from the initial Bolshevik plans. Instead of establishing a non-national class-centered formation, it became a mere preamble to a multinational confederation to be developed by its sovereign participants, which included two federations.
This article examines the discourses of water pollution and protection in the Soviet Union in the 1950s-1960s. It explores discursive practices which sprung up related to two paper and pulp plants, one located on the shore of Lake Baikal and another production unit in Svetogorsk on the border with Finland. These two discourses provide deep insight to pro-industry and nature protection claims which characterized Soviet water pollution and protection discourses in the 1950s-1960s. The paper contends that discussions about pulp production near Baikal were influencing the conditions in other, far located regions and stimulated engineering of water treatment facilities. The development of such facilities became a compromise between supporters and defenders of increasing pulp industry production, but in practice did not result in solving the problem of water pollution. In analyzing this issue, I consider discussions around the Baikal pulp plant and first attempts of introducing advanced water treatment in an industrial city of Svetogorsk and beyond, also discussing contacts with the West, in particular with Finland and their effects on Soviet water management.
This essay examines the reception of Stendhal's Red and the Black in Pushkin's “Queen of Spades” (1833) and Lermontov's unfinished novel, Princess Ligovskaya (1836), particularly with regard to Stendhal's hero, Julien Sorel–the social aspirant, who is at once passionately driven and cunningly disciplined. It focuses on how the reception of Sorel in these two Russian works is contaminated in different ways with a second figure, the romantic archetype of the “child of the age.” If Sorel can be understood as developing in dialectical opposition to the child of the age, Pushkin's Germann appears to reject and undermine this literary historical development. By contrast, Lermontov's attempt to incorporate aspects of the little Napoleon into his novel proves a failure, so he retreats to a more traditional portrait of the child of the age in A Hero of Our Time. In conclusion, the article argues that Lermontov's failure is a more productive moment in the history of the Russian novel than Pushkin's successful, but utterly destructive reply to Stendhal.
Telecommunication enterprises in Russia have to constantly update their own material and technical base in order to maintain their competitive positions in the market. Uninterrupted performance at the brink of the capacity of modern technologies causes a steady demand for equipment and hardware components that include a great share of innovative parts, and the vast majority of them are not produced in the domestic market. Advanced currency risk management as an integral part of the enterprise risk management system can deliver the best options for purchases policy and free capital allocation in the money market, thus it can significantly improve the overall corporate efficiency in high-tech enterprises.
Despite the increasing number of studies devoted to creative professionals, there are still many topics, which remain understudied. Among these topics there is interconnection of professional labor and cultural institutions of which labor conditions are framed. Furthermore, while much research has been devoted to the UK, other regions or global concerns have gained little attention. This article concerns creative professionals in post-Soviet Russia. It offers an overview of the field of cultural institutions in St. Petersburg in relation with the cultural administration and the professionals working for it. In particular, this study points out to the public sector in the Russian cultural production and new non-state institutions founded by young entrepreneurs and activists, which have constantly to struggle for recognition and support of the city’s administration. Based on fieldwork conducted in St. Petersburg in 2012-2014, the empirical study includes 26 in-depth interviews with cultural managers, employees of art-centers, lofts, creative spaces, museums, theatres. The research items here highlighted are concerned with the peculiarities of the institutional environment arisen in Russia as regards the creative labor in public and non-governmental cultural institutions. It is discussed whether the post-socialism system presents a ‘luckier’ medium for a ‘good’ creative job than that of advanced capitalism.
Following a normative approach that suggests international norms and standards for elections apply universally, regardless of regime type or cultural context, this book examines the challenges to electoral integrity, the actors involved, and the consequences of electoral malpractice and poor electoral integrity that vary by regime type. It bridges the literature on electoral integrity with that of political regime types.
Looking specifically at questions of innovation and learning, corruption and organized crime, political efficacy and turnout, the threat of electoral violence and protest, and finally, the possibility of regime change, it seeks to expand the scholarly understanding of electoral integrity and diverse regimes by exploring the diversity of challenges to electoral integrity, the diversity of actors that are involved and the diversity of consequences that can result.
This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of electoral studies, and more broadly of relevance to comparative politics, international development, political behaviour and democracy, democratization, and autocracy.
The contemporary sociological debate highlights that youth is a category of age, but actual chronological youth is hardly viewed as a space of age production. Transition studies exclude youth as a stage of age identity production, while age studies do not problematize young people's experience. This article focuses on age construction by two groups of chronologically young women. The analysis of forty qualitative interviews with fifteen- to twenty-year-old girls and thirty- to thirty-five-year-old women from Saint Petersburg shows that the concept of youth is slipping away from the biographical narratives of the informants from both age groups. Subjective adulthood experienced by young women is a goal and a value, while a young body does not prove to be a significant and available resource. At the same time, adulthood is not constructed as a set of clearly defined social characteristics but as an identity, a subjective experience, embodied adult personhood.
The article analyses everyday consumption of young people who live in villages and small towns in modern-day Russia. Based on 59 semi-structured interviews conducted in three districts of Leningrad region (close to St. Petersburg), the authors try to answer the following questions. How does everyday consumption fit in biographical experience of rural youth? What consumption styles are implemented in small towns and villages? The conceptual framework of the analysis is the category of ‘rural-urban continuum’, which underscores blurred boundaries between ‘the city’ and ‘the countryside’, transformation of traditional rural forms of sociality and mutual diffusion of elements of the rural and urban lifestyles. The authors come to the conclusion that differentiation of consumption styles of modern rural residents can be explained in the context of life strategies, construed on the basis of family capital, education, employment and orientation towards success. The article describes four basic styles that characterise consumption of young rural residents: the ‘family’, ‘status-oriented’, ‘individualistic’ and ‘conformist’ styles.
In this paper we estimate the effects of indicators of “hard” and “soft” infrastructure on export performance in Russian regions. Empirical results show that both hard and soft infrastructure measures matter for export survival of export flows from non-resource-oriented Russian regions. Empirical estimates account for size and time effects for export flows and find that the positive effects of hard and soft infrastructure are falling over time and are more important for larger exporters. This may serve as an evidence of a learning curve for exporters when the latter become more efficient with time in treating with regional-level hard and soft infrastructure resources
How do Russian leaders balance the need to decentralize governance in a socially and politically complex country with the need to guarantee political control of the state?
Since the early 2000’s Russian federal authorities have arranged a system of political control on regional elites and their leaders providing a ‘police control’ of special bodies subordinated by the federal centre on policy implementation in the regions. Different mechanisms of fiscal federalism and investment policy were used to ensure regional elites’ loyalty and a politically centralized but administratively decentralized system was created.
Asking clear, direct and theoretically informed questions about the relationship between federalism, decentralisation and authoritarianism, this book explores the political survival of authoritarian leaders, the determinants of policy formulation and theories of federalism and decentralization, to reach a new understanding of territorial governance in contemporary Russia. An important work for students and researchers in Russian studies and regional and federal studies.
Relations between the EU and Russia have been traditionally and predominantly studied from a one-sided power perspective, in which interests and capabilities are taken for granted.
This book presents a new approach to EU-Russia relations by focusing on the role of images and perceptions, which can be major obstacles to the enhancement of relations between both actors. By looking at how these images feature on both sides (EU and Russia), on different levels (bilateral, regional, multilateral) and in different policy fields (energy, minorities, regional integration, multilateral institutions), the book seeks to reintroduce a degree of sophistication into EU-Russia studies and provide a more complete overview of different dimensions of EU-Russia relations than any book has done to date. Taking social constructivist and transnational approaches, interests and power are not seen as objectively given, but as socially mediated and imbued by identities.
This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of European Foreign Policy, Eastern Partnership, Russian Foreign Policy and more broadly to European and EU Politics/Studies, Russia studies, and International Relations.
This article studies the history of the region of Galicia as part of Ukraine, the idea of Ukrainian national space, and ways in which various national projects were competing for this region. Maps were representative of these ideas, presenting the continuous Ukrainian territory from the Sjan to the Don Rivers, became crucial parts of these descriptions and most actively entered the popular Ukrainian discourse.
The role of the Arctic on the global geopolitical arena rose during the Cold War. With time, political rivalry gave the way to regional cooperation, but the Arctic remains a highly politicized area. In the twenty-first century, Arctic states waded into the ‘Arctic Rush’ for natural resources and political supremacy. Their geopolitical interests affect significantly the development of Arctic tourism. At present, the Arctic is in the foreground of Russian political agenda. It resulted in the rising interest in Arctic tourism as a means of promoting strategic and economic value of the Arctic. Current paper focuses on the case of the National Park ‘Russian Arctic’. Based on expert interviews, the results of the study reveal how political circumstances influence Arctic tourism development. Four aspects related to political context were identified: increased militarization, access restrictions, political tensions between Russia and global community, and interest of non-Arctic players in the region’s potential.
This paper considers the efforts of local activists to participatein public discussions on contested territories in St. Petersburg, Russia, and influence political decision-making on their (re)development and change. It also questions to what degree such grassroots efforts become political and analyzes different contexts for, and barriers to, politicization. Complementing sociological theorization on civic engagement and civic participation with French pragmatism, we examine how these activists constantly shift between informal, context-specific forms of protest and more institutionalized and politicized ones. Using a case-study approach, we describe and compare two recent conflicts in St. Petersburg where local residents resisted (re)development projects imposed by political and economic elites: the defence of the Yurgens House in the historic center of the city against its expected demolition, and the protest against renovation in Alexandrino, a park area on the city’s periphery. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with local activists, participant and non-participant observation at public rallies and other gatherings, and qualitative analysis of protesters’ communication practices on social networks. We demonstrate that external political and social constraints encourage activists to be flexiblein their forms of engagement, using a wide repertoire of tools of contestation, using local knowledge tactically, operating rationally within legal frameworks, and addressing broad audiences in search for public justification and support. We conclude that, whether theselocal activists remain at the level of informal place-based initiatives or opt for more institutionalized and professionalized forms of civic participation, they insistently reject the political rationale of their efforts.
This paper provides a pioneering approach to estimate the relationship between interregional human capital mobility and the occurrence of high-growth firms (HGFs). We construct and employ the dataset on mobility of university graduates from top-100 Russian universities. We find that the relationship between the mobility of high-skilled university graduates and high-growth firms is non-linear and U-shaped: the initial rise in the number of HGFs is due to the relatively low concentration of highly skilled migrants and availability of innovations only for a small number of firms. However, the competition effect strengthens at some point when innovations become available for larger number of firms simultaneously with large inflow of highly skilled university graduates.
The article examines the history of using wood and timber wastes and annual plants as well as in the Soviet Union from the 1950s to the1960s. In the middle of the twentieth century, century Soviet leadership, producers, and scientists expressed their anxiety about the lack of forests near pulp and paper plants, and started looking for alternative raw materials. Modernization during the same period witnessed a number of initiatives to use different sources for pulp production, ranging from wood and timber wastes to reed and annual plants. It included attempts to develop low-waste and non-waste industrial technologies. In most cases, however, this search did not transform the supply of raw materials. Instead, most factories continued manufacturing pulp and pulp-based products using wood, and thus kept cutting and exploring undisturbed forests, in particular those in Siberia. In this article, I investigate the attempted use of alternative resources in industrial operations and examine why employing these materials, was not successful in the Soviet Union in the 1950s-1960s. I am interested in the organizational and technological aspects of how forestry developed and used resources in the Soviet Union. I illustrate how technologies circulated not only within the country, but also between the USSR and Western countries. The article contends that new practices did not change wasteful wood-use practices, in large part because the industry continued to contend with infrastructural and organizational obstacles while attempting to introduce alternative resources